Essay offender outline sexual

Forensic Psychology

So opportunities for rehabilitation are limited. University of Crime — Putting young, inexperienced criminals into a prison environment with older more experienced criminals may mean that the type of education these youngsters get is not necessarily the type we would want! Re-offending is known as recidivism.

In order to reduce recidivism i. The aim should be for offenders to leave prison fully reformed and ready to take on the role of a productive and law-abiding citizen. Some alternatives include probation and restorative justice. However, the government is reluctant to invest in prisoners, due to economic restraints and public opinion. But, this is a short-sighted approach, in order to cut crime and recidivism rates investment is needed Economic implication. This is known as behavior modification. For example, children can be observed and supervised by parents and teachers working with therapists.

As a result, their behavior can be consistently and systematically reinforced. They were introduced into mental hospitals in the USA in the s. The tokens can then be exchanged for privileges. House credits are used in the same way in schools. They observed a significant improvement in positive behavior as a result of the introduction of the token economy.

Allyon found similar effects in an adult prison. Token economies are easy to implement and do not require specialist training or expense, like other therapies such as Anger Management. But, all staff must implement them consistently if they are to work. The effects they appear to produce may not be primarily due to the token economy. Patients may be responding to increased attention, planned system of activities and improved monitoring, rather than a desire to get tokens. On release prisoners revert back to previous criminal behaviors. Token economies raise ethical issues. Clinton Field found that for maximum affect the rewards and frequency of them, needed to be individually tailored to the inmate.

Think about house credits, whilst they work well with Year 7 students, a school mug or pen is hardly going to motivate a Year 11 student! The therapist works with them to show them that their response is irrational and helps them to redefine the situations as non-threatening. They are taught to recognise their own triggers for anger. They might require training in assertiveness and effective communication. They are taught how to control their own emotions, rather then being ruled by them. The therapist will deliberately provoke them to see how they react.

The therapist will positively reinforce successful strategies. A natural experiment compared a group of 50 prisoners who had completed CALM and a group of 37 who were assessed as suitable, but had not actually taken the course. Prisoners who had completed CALM rated themselves lower on the anger questionnaire and were rated lower by the prison officers, than the control group. Conclusions: - In the short-term the treatment seemed effective, but there is no re-offending data.

Anger management is an eclectic approach it uses a cognitive approach in stage 1, behavioral in stage 2 and social in stage 3. This recognises that offending behavior is the complex interaction between social and psychological factors. Anger management is more likely to lead to a permanent change in behavior than behavior modification programmes token economies as it focuses on changing the way an offender both thinks and behaves.

It is very different role-playing controlling anger to controlling anger once outside of prison. Anger management is limited in its application as not all crime is motivated by anger. Crimes for financial gain for example, would not benefit from any form of CBT, as they are logical! Anger Management is very expensive and time consuming as it required highly skilled therapists. Also, the prisoner must be motivated and want to change. How many Psychiatrists does it take to change a light bulb? One — but the light bulb must really want to change! The victim is given the opportunity to confront the offender and explain the impact the crime has had on their life.

The offender has to face up to the consequences of their actions and this starts the rehabilitation process. It is respectful and not degrading for either offender or victim. It is tough for the offender they have to listen to the impact of their crimes on the victim and take full responsibility for their actions. The experience should reduce the likelihood of them reoffending. Their voice is heard in the legal process and they feel that their feelings have been taken into account.

Restorative justice is tough both for victims and offenders. For offenders they have to face up to the consequences of their actions, but for victims they may be forced to relive frightening and upsetting experiences. So it does work! However, there are costs involved in training mediators and high dropout rates from offenders unable to face their victims, so it may not always be cost effective.

Remorse — Offenders must feel genuine remorse. Therefore, restorative justice is not suitable for all criminals or indeed all crimes. It only works where there is an obvious victim. First time offenders — Restorative justice is most effective with young, first time offenders. It provides a short, sharp shock and forces them to face up to the consequences of their actions.

Discuss the psychological effects of custodial sentencing. Refer to evidence in your answer 16 marks Discuss behavior modification in custody. Discuss the use of anger management as a treatment for offenders. She is passionate about teaching and regularly runs training workshops for teachers of Psychology, recently for the ATP, Keynote Educational, the Higher Education Academy and Resourcd webinars. Deb is currently teaching the new AQA specification to her students. AO3 Analyse, interpret and evaluate a analyse, interpret and evaluate scientific information, ideas and evidence, including in relation to issues, to:.

Examples of how you can score AO3 marks Whether or not theories are supported or refuted by valid research evidence. Contextualising how the topic in question relates to broader debates and approaches in Psychology. For example, would they agree or disagree with a theory or the findings of the study?

The main criterion is that benefits must outweigh costs. Animal research also raises the issue of extrapolation. Toggle navigation. A02 Scenario Question. In the UK, it is against the law to have more than one wife or husband at the same time. Smacking children was not illegal before in the UK, but now can be a criminal offence.

It is difficult to define crime, because definitions of crime are culturally specific. Whilst it is illegal to practice polygamy in the UK, it is not illegal some other countries. All crimes are not reported Why? These models take into account problematic behaviors, distorted thought processes and offense histories.

This section reviews models that may ultimately replace traditional typologies to inform treatment and management of sexual offenders. Due to advanced statistical methods that evaluate the unique and combined contributions of risk factors, more comprehensive descriptions of the psychological processes, developmental histories and offense patterns have been devised to explain sexual deviance. Researchers explain that genetic factors may predispose an individual to pursue a specific human need e. Negative developmental experiences figure prominently in many models of sexual offending behavior.

Yet, not all sexual offenders report being sexually victimized during childhood. Research findings indicate that there may not be only one type of abuse that serves as a developmental risk factor for later sexual offending. Instead, multiple types of abusive experiences, or a pathological family environment, may precede offending behaviors Dube et al. Researchers have also suggested that different types of maltreatment may be associated with different types of sexual offending behaviors e.

This section reviews the current research findings that compare the developmental risk factors of various offender characteristics. Researchers have found that child sexual abusers exhibited heightened sexuality in childhood. Within the adult sex offender population, Simons, Wurtele and Durham found that child sexual abusers, as compared to rapists, reported more experiences of child sexual abuse, early exposure to pornography, sexual activities with animals and an earlier onset of masturbation.

Rapists, when compared to child sexual abusers, reported more frequent experiences of physical abuse, parental violence and emotional abuse. In contrast, the childhood histories of rapists appear more indicative of violence. Simons, Wurtele and Durham found that rapists, when compared to child sexual abusers, reported more frequent experiences of physical abuse, parental violence, emotional abuse and cruelty to animals.

Researchers contend that physical abuse, parental violence and emotional abuse result in externalizing behaviors only when they are considered in combination Lee et al. As an illustration, Beauregard, Lussier and Proulx found that physical and verbal abuse during childhood led to antisocial behavior and callous personality traits, both of which led to aggressive sexual fantasies.

Likewise, Salter and colleagues indicate that the combination of physical violence, domestic violence, emotional abuse and neglect predicted subsequent sexual offending. In a prospective study of childhood abuse histories, Widom and Massey reported individuals who experienced physical abuse and neglect but not sexual abuse were at significantly increased risk for arrest for sexual offenses in comparison to those who did not experience abuse.

Researchers e. These individuals often react to confusing situations with overt aggression. In studies that examined the developmental risk factors of crossover offenders or indiscriminate offenders e. Indiscriminate offenders, also known as mixed offenders, report sexually abusing both adults and children equivalently. With respect to heightened sexuality, Simons, Tyler and Heil found that indiscriminate offenders were less likely than child sexual abusers to be sexually abused, but they were more likely to report early sexual experiences with peers before age 10 , to have witnessed sexual abuse as a child, and to have had more frequent exposure to pornography before age Similar to child sexual abusers i.

A great majority of indiscriminate offenders 81 percent disclosed engaging in bestiality during childhood in comparison to fewer child sexual abusers 59 percent and rapists 30 percent. With respect to childhood violence, both indiscriminate offenders and rapists described childhood experiences consistent with physical and emotional abuse. However, indiscriminate offenders were exposed to domestic violence significantly more frequently than rapists.

Results indicated that parental violence and bestiality were strong predictors of crossover offending. Of a subsample of 42 female sexual offenders, Simons and colleagues reported that the majority 81 percent had been sexually abused by multiple perpetrators at a young age with high frequency. Female offenders masturbated later than male offenders i.

Likewise, many female offenders were exposed to pornography before age 10, but early exposure is significantly more prevalent among male sexual offenders. Similar to male offenders, females report engaging in bestiality during adolescence, but the prevalence rates for females are significantly lower than for child sexual abusers and indiscriminate offenders of both genders. Similar to indiscriminate offenders, Simons and colleagues also found that the majority of female sexual offenders reported physical abuse, emotional abuse and witnessing of domestic violence.

Although the frequency of physical abuse among female sexual offenders was less than for males, females were more likely to be abused by both male and female perpetrators. Yet, female sexual offenders were more likely than male offenders to report witnessing violence perpetrated by a female; male rapists and indiscriminate offenders more often witnessed violence by a male perpetrator.

Similar findings were reported among 47 female sexual offenders assessed on a childhood experiences measure by Levenson, Willis and Prescott Compared to the general population, female sexual offenders had more than three times the odds of being sexually abused; four times the odds of experiencing verbal abuse; and more than three times the odds of neglect and having an incarcerated family member.

Female sexual offenders experienced multiple adverse childhood experiences consisting of sexual abuse, neglect, verbal abuse and substance abuse in the home, which was associated with having younger victims. These findings emphasize the importance of trauma-informed care with female sexual offenders. In addition to childhood abuse, the majority of sexual offenders 93 percent exhibited insecure attachment Marsa et al. Marshall contends that the failure of sex offenders to develop secure attachment bonds in childhood results in their failure to develop sufficient social skills and self-esteem necessary to achieve intimacy with adults.

Poor parental bonding enhances the effects of child maltreatment and may contribute to sexual offending by creating vulnerability, a lack of empathy and intimacy deficits. Recently, attachment style has been associated with different types of offending. Maniglio summarized the influence of attachment on sexual offending behavior. A sexual offender's insecure attachment style during childhood affects the development of social skills and self-confidence, which in turn, prevents initiation or maintenance of intimate relationships during adulthood. Instead, sexual offenders may use deviant sexual fantasies as a means to achieve intimacy, power and control, absent of reality.

Maniglio explains deviant fantasy as a means to achieve intimacy or autonomy creates a disposition to sexually offend. Likewise, in their recent meta-analysis comparing intrafamilial to extrafamilial offenders, Seto et al. This finding confirms family dysfunction as an important etiological factor in sexual offending. Taken together, these findings support Marshall and Barbaree's integrated theory of sexual offending, which postulates that individuals who experienced child maltreatment are likely to exhibit distorted internal working models of relationships, which result in poor social skills and emotional self-regulation.

The lack of social skills, especially during adolescence, is likely to result in rejection by others, which in turn will decrease self-esteem, increase anger and produce cognitive distortions about peers and relationships. Negative emotions combined with cognitive distortions may increase the intensity of sexual desire and deviant sexual fantasies e.

Masturbation to these fantasies may serve as a coping mechanism from stress, as a means to exert control, and ultimately, as a behavioral rehearsal to sexual offending. These developmental factors interact with disinhibiting factors e. The emotional and psychological reinforcement of the behavior may be approach oriented i.

The actual sexual offense combined with cognitive distortions serves to maintain sexual offending behaviors. Consistent with Marshall and Barbaree's integrated theory of sexual offending, bestiality and masturbation to abuse experiences contribute to the development of deviant sexual interest and frequent masturbation suggests problems with emotional self-regulation.

Frequent masturbation coupled with frequent pornography use increases the likelihood of sexual compulsivity. Likewise, insecure attachments suggest intimacy deficits, empathy deficits, antisocial lifestyle and social difficulties. Violence in the home has been shown to be predictive of antisocial lifestyle, hostile attitudes toward women, emotional callousness and hostile masculinity Malamuth et al. In addition to difficulties with self-regulation, a heightened sexual childhood may lead to the development of child sexual abuse-supportive beliefs e.

As summarized by Craissati and Beech , developmental experiences sexual and violent experiences and insecure attachment predict dynamic risk that, when combined with static markers e. Ward and Hudson , developed a nine-stage model of the sex offense process, which takes into account the heterogeneity of sexual offending. The self-regulation model SRM summarizes the offense process by examining situational precipitants e.

SRM contends that individuals are goal-directed as sexual abusers and offend to achieve a desired state — either to satisfy or to avoid offending. This model proposes that four pathways lead to sexual offending. Two pathways characterize offenders who attempt to avoid offending avoidance oriented but do not have adequate strategies i. The two remaining pathways characterize individuals who seek to achieve goals associated with sexual offending approach oriented and experience positive feelings as a result.

These approach-oriented individuals vary with respect to self-regulation; some of them exhibit deficient self-regulation i. Thus, the assessment of SRM offense pathways depends on whether the offender attempted to avoid indirect or to engage direct in the sexual offense, the ability to self-regulate underregulation, misregulation, effective regulation and the degree of awareness associated with the sexual offense implicit or explicit. The avoidant-passive pathway consists of an offender who attempts to prevent offending indirect route but does not have the ability or awareness to prevent the offense underregulation, implicit awareness.

Similarly, the avoidant-active pathway is characterized by the desire to avoid offending indirect , but the offender uses counterproductive strategies to control deviant thoughts and fantasies misregulation, explicit awareness. In contrast, the approach-automatic pathway is characterized by the impulsive desire to sexually offend and assault direct route. Indeed, approach-automatic pathway offenders fail to control their behavior as they respond to situational cues on the basis of well-entrenched cognitive-behavioral scripts that support sexual offending.

Individuals on the approach-explicit pathway desire to sexually offend direct , but they carefully plan their offenses effective regulation, explicit. Individuals on the approach pathways experience positive emotional states from offending; cognitive dissonance is absent. These offenders do not experience an internal conflict after the offense because they achieved their goal to sexually offend. Research on SRM supports the validity of the model and its use in classification and treatment. Specifically, SRM pathways have been shown to differentiate offense characteristics and static and dynamic risk.

Their goal is to offend and they carefully plan their offenses by establishing relationships with their victims. The specialist vs. Although the implicit assumptions about sexual offenders are that they engage in distinct types of crimes and differ significantly from nonsexual offenders, some sexual offenders have been shown to be more versatile in their criminal behaviors and to share attributes with nonsexual offenders.

According to this model, sexual offenders may be characterized as specialists who commit sexual crimes persistently or as generalists who do not restrict themselves to one type of crime; they commit different crimes over time Lussier, One of the assumptions of the traditional explanatory models of sex offending i. Hanson concluded that, in addition to sexual deviance, variables such as low self-control, criminal lifestyle, impulsivity and opportunity are important factors associated with sexual offending.

Lussier, Proulx and LeBlanc examined whether sexual offending among convicted sexual offenders could be explained by a generalist theory of crime using structural equation modeling. They reported differences among child sexual abusers and rapists and concluded that, similar to traditional typologies, the offense patterns of rapists were versatile and that rapists displayed extensive antisocial tendencies. In contrast, child sexual abusers were more likely than rapists to specialize in sexual offending.

Harris, Mazerolle and Knight examined male sexual offenders to compare these models of sexual offending. The researchers found that the majority of sexual offenders followed the generalist model. Rapists and child sexual abusers exhibited extensive criminal histories, substance abuse issues, antisocial tendencies and psychosis. In addition, few rapists specialized in sexual crimes.

Those who did specialize in sexual crimes were more likely to exhibit characteristics similar to child sexual abusers, such as sexual deviance and sexual preoccupation. As Lussier, Proulx and LeBlanc found, the specialist model was evident in child sexual abusers. Child sexual abusers assessed as specialists were more likely than nonspecialists to know the victim, exhibit sexual preoccupation and display emotional congruence with children.

Francis, Harris, Wallace, Knight and Soothill examined the life course of sexual offenders in civil commitment treatment between and Specifically, this study investigated distinct trajectories of offending, comparing generalist crime to specialist crime. Results identified four trajectories to sexual offending, which varied according to offense pattern. Differences were found with respect to criminal onset, length of criminal career, age of peak offending and time of entry into treatment.

Overall, late onset was associated with child sexual abuse and early onset younger was associated with rape.

Sex Offenders Essays: Examples, Topics, Titles, & Outlines

Likewise, findings indicated sexual offending began later than nonsexual offending and three out of four groups exhibited a decrease in frequency with age. Two groups low-rate and high-rate limited offended at an earlier age than the other groups low-rate persistent and high-rate persistent. Low-rate persistent offenders 56 percent of the sample began offending during late teens and offended less than once per year with the highest point in their 30s.

This group was equally as likely to commit rape as child sexual abuse. High-rate limited offenders 24 percent exhibited an earlier age of onset and offended most frequently average twice per year during their late 20s. This group consisted mostly of rapists. This trajectory was consistent with the generalist pattern and the decline in offending occurred during their 50s.

The third group or high-rate accelerators 12 percent began offending during their 20s and their offending increased until mids; this group consisted primarily of child sexual abusers.

Sex Offenders And Sexual Offenders

The fourth group was classified as late onset accelerators 8 percent. They began sexual offending during their late 20s and the offending behaviors increased to its peak during their mids. The majority of these offenders sexually assaulted relatives i. Taken together, findings indicate there are distinct trajectories of offending based upon onset, frequency and persistence.

These findings are consistent with many traditional typologies of rapists and child sexual abusers; however, the results suggest that the generalist vs. Future research in this area is needed to further identify factors that characterize specialist offenders from generalist offenders.

Advances in developmental risk factors and offense pathways can assist with risk and need evaluation, but additional research is needed to develop models of sexual deviance. The prevention of sexual violence requires a balance of community safety with effective resource allocation. Current research emphasizes the importance of a comprehensive approach to sex offender typologies, through the assessment of criminogenic needs dynamic risk and offense patterns, not based upon the type of victim exclusively Martinez-Catena et al. Recent advances in our knowledge of developmental risk factors and offense pathways can assist with risk and need evaluation, but additional research is needed to develop more extensive models to explain sexual deviance.

Nonetheless, through a comprehensive understanding of treatment needs and subsequent effective intervention, an offender can attend to the process, learn skills and alternative strategies to sexual violence and, ultimately, strive to live a healthy lifestyle without offending.

Axis I includes fixation, or the degree of pedophilic interest and the degree of social competence. Axis II includes the amount of contact with the child low or high , the meaning of high contact either interpersonal or narcissistic , the level of physical injury for low contact and whether the injuries were sadistic or nonsadistic. MTC: R3 includes nine subtypes that differentiate rapists by motivation, impulsivity, criminality and social competence. Rapists are classified as opportunistic with high or low social competence , pervasively angry, sadistic overt or muted , sexual nonsadistic also with high or low social competence and vindictive with high or low social competence.

Studies have failed to classify rapists according to these nine subtypes without refinement Barbaree et al. A meta-analysis combines the results of many evaluations into one large study with many subjects. With respect to sexual recidivism, the total sample consisted of 23, sexual offenders including 1, rapists and 9, child sexual abusers whose recidivism rates were compared.

The recidivism rate for rapists was significantly higher Abel, G. Multiple paraphilic diagnoses among sex offenders. Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, 16 , — Identifying dangerous child molesters. Stewart Ed. New York: Plenum Press. The paraphilias: The extent and nature of sexually deviant and criminal behavior. Bradford Ed. Philadelphia, PA: W. Saunders Company. Ainsworth, M.

An etiological approach to personality development. American Psychologist, 46, — Allen, C. American Psychiatric Association. Diagnostic and S tatistical M anual of M ental D isorders , 5th ed. Andrews, D. The Psychology of Criminal Conduct, 3d ed. Cincinnati, OH: Anderson. Barbaree, H. Comparisons between sexual and nonsexual rapist subtypes. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 21, 95— Bard, L.

A descriptive study of rapists and child molesters: Developmental, clinical, and criminal characteristics. Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 5, — Beauregard, E. An exploration of developmental factors related to deviant sexual preferences among adult rapists. Beech, A. The Internet and child sexual offending: A criminological review. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 13, — Bickley, J. An investigation of the Ward and Hudson pathways model of the sexual offense process with child abusers. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 17, — Implications for treatment of sexual offenders of the Ward and Hudson model of relapse.

Sex Offenders Outline Term-Paper

Bourke, M. The Butner study redux: A report of the incidence of hands-on child victimization by child pornography offenders. Journal of Family Violence, 24, — Bruinsma, F. Immediate assessment of adolescent sex offenders seen at the police station. Burton, D. Male adolescents: Sexual victimization and subsequent sexual abuse.

Camilleri, J. Pedophilia: Assessment and treatment. O'Donohue Eds. New York: Guilford Press. Cann, J. Assessing crossover in a sample of sexual offenders with multiple victims. Legal and Criminological Psychology, 12 , — Cicchetti, D. Failures in the expectable environment and their impact on individual development: The case of child maltreatment. Cohen Eds. New York: John Wiley.

Female High School Teacher Sex Offenders - Are they different than male sex offenders?

Conte, J. The nature of sexual offences against children. Howells Eds. Cortoni, F. Sex as a coping strategy and its relationship to juvenile sexual history and intimacy in sexual offenders. Research Report No. Women convicted of promoting prostitution of a minor are different from women convicted of traditional sexual offenses A brief research report. Sexual abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 27 , — Craissati, J.

Sexual violence against women: A psychological approach to the assessment and management of rapists in the community. The role of key developmental variables in identifying sex offenders likely to fail in the community: An enhanced risk prediction model. Characteristics of perpetrators of child sexual abuse who have been sexually victimized as children. The parental bonding experiences of sex offenders: A comparison between child molesters and rapists.

Delmonico, D. Online sex offending: Assessment and treatment. Dube, S. Growing up with parental alcohol abuse: Exposure to childhood abuse, neglect, and household dysfunction. Elliott, M. Child sexual abuse prevention: What offenders tell us. Emerick, R. The effect of polygraphy on the self-report of adolescent sex offenders: Implications for risk assessment.

Annals of Sex Research, 6, 83— English, K. The containment approach to managing sex offenders. Wright Ed. New York: Springer Publishing Inc. Final research report submitted to the National Institute of Justice. Sexual offender containment: Use of the postconviction polygraph. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, , — Finkelhor, D. New York: Free Press. Foa, E. Francis, B. Sexual and general offending trajectories of men referred for civil commitment. Freeman, N. Female and male sex offenders: A comparison of recidivism patterns and risk factors.

Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23, — Gannon, T. Does the polygraph lead to better risk prediction for sexual offenders? Aggression and Violent Behavior, 13, 29— A re-examination of female child molesters' implicit theories: Evidence for Female Specificity? Ward and Siegert's Pathways Model of child sexual offending: A cluster analysis evaluation. Rape: Psychopathology and theory. Garlick, Y. Intimacy deficits and attribution of blame among sex offenders. Legal and Criminological Psychology, 1, — Gillespie, S. Gottfredson, M. A General Theory of Crime.

Grady, M. Linking adverse childhood effects and attachment: A theory of etiology for sexual offending. The absence of resources and the lack of coordination between agencies in the criminal justice and social service systems results in people who have been incarcerated leaving prison or jail without any connection to support services and assistance from government agencies and community organizations:.

As a result, large numbers of people with mental illnesses and substance abuse disorders are repeatedly cycled through jails and prisons, providing little if any benefit to the individual or the community " The Sentencing Project, This requires that increased attention be given to developing a seamless structure of support and assistance from the institution to the community. Communities have a key role to play in the successful reintegration of ex-prisoners. However, specific strategies are required to mobilize, and sustain, community interest and involvement in assistance and supervision programs.

There is a tendency for the community to over-rely on the criminal justice system to provide supervision. Aboriginal communities can also play an active role in the social reintegration of offenders. Community-based services and programs for offenders on conditional release have been developing in Aboriginal communities across the country. Offender Reentry Mapping is a strategy that is designed to facilitate community engagement in assisting ex-prisoners who are returning to the community.

It is focused on the needs of the offender, their family, and neighbourhoods Brazzell, The key elements of this approach are:. Currently, there are a number of community-based initiatives designed that attempt to reduce crime and re-offending as well as to build community capacities to address problems of crime and social disorder while providing rehabilitation and reintegration assistance to offenders. Perhaps the most comprehensive of these is the Crime Reduction Strategy that was implemented in Surrey, British Columbia in and is being replicated in a number of other communities.

Among the distinguishing features of the strategy is the involvement of a broad range of stakeholders and a multi-faceted approach to crime and offenders. This initiative is a comprehensive crime reduction strategy that involves all key stakeholders, including the RCMP, non-profit organizations, community corrections, the school board, the Board of Trade and community groups.

There are four components to the strategy, each of which contains a number of specific initiatives:. The increasing involvement of communities in responding to the challenges presented by ex-offenders has led to a greater focus on local involvement in, and ownership of, initiatives; efforts to strengthen the leadership, skills, and capacity of the community to be an active partner in prevention and reintegration; and the development of substantive partnerships with the community. Concurrent with this has been the recognition that there is a need for "a more flexible approach to evaluation and assessment of the outcomes of programmes…" Shaw, A review of evaluations of a number of integrated and throughcare programs reveals mixed results in terms of their effectiveness in assisting offenders to reintegrate into the community and avoid future criminal offending.

Efforts to target high-risk youth in the U. On the positive side, the ISSP program in the UK has produced positive results and should be closely studied as a possible program model. Post-release reintegration programs are now often part of broader crime prevention strategies that are designed to provide a comprehensive approach to public safety. Crime reduction strategies developed in the UK, the US and a few other countries for youth and adult offenders attempt to integrate the various elements of the criminal justice response to crime, develop partnerships with communities, and to integrate institutional interventions with community-based interventions in an unbroken continuum of intervention.

Several communities in British Columbia and elsewhere in Canada are in the early stages of developing similar strategies e. These strategies are premised on interagency cooperation and coordination, integrated responses and partnerships with the community. Often, the expression "priority offenders" is used to reflect the fact that crime prevention priorities can vary from one community to another. In many instances, communities have come to realize that the risk of recidivism is heightened rather than lessened by incarcerating offenders. And, in recognition of the fact that nearly all offenders will return to the community, there has been an emphasis among community leaders and politicians on managing the release and reintegration of offenders into the community.

A common feature of these initiatives is the objective of developing cost-effective programs that will prevent crime and enhance public safety. Not surprisingly, the language of evidence-based programming is often being used to guide, design, and justify various interventions. Some very large scale initiatives, particularly in England, were designed on the basis of the best available research evidence on the causes of crime, crime patterns and effective methods of intervention. Some significant investments have been made in the U. S and the U. K to attempt to evaluate the outcomes of these various strategies.

Unfortunately, almost without exception, complex, integrated and comprehensive interventions to promote reintegration and to prevent recidivism have failed to produce conclusive results. Or, if positive outcomes have been generated, these have not been measured. The apparent failure of many interventions to have a significant impact on rates of recidivism and re-incarceration may be due to program implementation issues, rather than to the validity of the concept and principles of the intervention itself.

A review of selected interventions for youth and adult offenders has generated a number of "lessons learned" about programming that is designed to reduce rates of re-offending and to promote the reintegration of offenders. That the outcomes to date have been less than stellar despite the best efforts of communities, program staff, and youth themselves serves as a reminder that the effective prevention of recidivism by known offenders is far more complex than was anticipated.

The evaluation results produced to date indicate the necessity of abandoning piece-meal, ad hoc interventions that are unrelated to the needs and challenges faced by offenders and to develop effective strategies to balance supervision and assistance. Further, programmatic interventions must reflect the variability in needs and risks presented by offenders returning to the community.

What is required are system-wide, integrated approaches that provide a consistent, structured response to behaviour while at the same time addressing the underlying factors responsible for the criminality and that will assist reintegration. Concurrently, offenders must be held accountable for their behaviour and assume responsibility for participating in, and completing programs designed to enhance their capacities and skill sets.

Of concern is that a number of programs that were based on the throughcare model failed to produce positive outcomes. Central to these initiatives is the community and a number of programs have successfully mobilized and engaged community residents and leadership in addressing the needs of ex-offenders. As well, it is clear that ongoing assessment of offenders' needs is a core component of successful interventions. The following discussion sets out the best advice that can be distilled from the previous comprehensive examination of the evaluation literature on social reintegration and prevention of recidivism among ex-offenders.

Interventions designed to address the dynamic risk factors of offenders have a higher chance of success if there is adherence to the 'principles of effective correctional treatment' as set out by Andrews and Bonta For offender reentry programs, it is becoming clear that successful interventions are those which:.

In designing and implementing interventions designed to assist offenders to successfully reintegrate into the community and to avoid further criminal offending, there are a number of realities that one must not lose sight of:. Concern with community safety and with assisting offenders has resulted in an increased focus on the reintegration of offenders in the community and the reduction of re-offending. Efforts have focused on specific groups of offenders as well as on specific strategies for providing assistance to ex-offenders. This has included securing legal employment, finding suitable accommodation, addressing substance abuse issues, and identifying family and community assets.

A review of program interventions in Canada, the U. This may be due to a number of factors, including poor program design and implementation. There continues to be barriers to interagency cooperation and collaboration, which has been found to be a critical ingredient for program success. A review of risk factors and outcomes for persistent young offenders in the UK found limited interagency cooperation and information-sharing, a lack of assessment and planned intervention based on risk and needs; and a failure to record in detail assessments and subsequent interventions Arnull, et al.

This highlights, once again, that issues related to program implementation can undermine even the most well-designed intervention and compromise the efforts of individual program staff and offenders. In addition, too often interventions address only one of the myriad of issues, needs, and risk factors that confront offenders. Such interventions are likely to have little, if any impact, on their subsequent behaviour in the community.

Finally, considering the way forward in the Canadian context is hindered by the absence of controlled evaluation studies of those institutional and community-based interventions that have been implemented. The near-sole exceptions are the studies conducted by the Correctional Service of Canada on institutional-based programs. Future interventions designed to facilitate offender reintegration and to reduce re-offending should include an evaluative component so that the paucity of empirical research in the Canadian context can begin to be remedied and, in so doing, provide practitioners with information that can be used in the design and delivery of programs.

Curt T. Griffiths, PhD. Farrington et al. The HIT regime basically added military training to a young offender regime designed according to the "what works" literature. The regime included educational, life skills and vocational training, programs designed to address offending behaviour based on developing thinking skills, and a pre-release work placement in the community. Young offenders were significantly less likely to be reconvicted within one year than were offenders in the control group. However, HIT young offenders were not less likely to be reconvicted within two years than were members of the control group, but they did avoid reoffending for longer and commit fewer offences during this follow-up period.

See: Farrington et al. An establishment for military offenders run by military staff where young offenders were admitted. There were no offending behaviour programmes but a lot of effort to help YOs with basic education, trade training, job applications, money management and similar practical life problems. No evidence that the young offenders were less likely to be reconvicted than the control group within either one or two years.

The WOSAP is a multi-dimensional, gender-responsive model that incorporates both the intervention and the environment. The programming offers a continuum of matched interventions supporting the women, from admission to warrant expiry, to make healthy lifestyle choices. Preliminary research from the first year has demonstrated strong completion rates, increases in participants' knowledge and skills, and positive participant satisfaction.

Addiction is considered to be bio-psychosocial disease. The program assists women offenders to develop pro-social cognitive, behavioural, and affective skills. Among the treatment approaches used in the program are behaviour modification and therapy; peer encounter groups, social and problem solving skills training; rational emotive, cognitive, and assertiveness training; educational training; and anger and aggression management.

The evaluation revealed that program participants and completers had lower reconviction rates than the control group. Even after controlling for the number of months-at-risk, women who completed the Pine Lodge program were still less likely to be reconvicted than women in the control group. This difference was significant after a two-year follow-up. Offenders volunteer to live in the ISU and are able to participate in regular institutional activities and have been, or are, currently involved in substance abuse treatment programs. Other results from questionnaires measuring perceptions of the ISUs indicated that the supportive environment in the ISUs helped offenders to address their substance abuse problem.

The environment was created by a number of factors including the professional orientation of ISU staff more empathetic, rehabilitation oriented, satisfied with their work and the use of interdiction activities that reduced the presence of drugs and alcohol.

Program designed to address the needs of federal offenders with identified substantial to severe substance abuse problems. Pre- and Post-test measures of attitudes, beliefs and thinking indicated positive change as a result of the program. These intermediate measures of outcome suggest that the program was meeting its objectives. The results suggest that the HISAP program had a positive impact on institutional behaviour with both a decline in the overall rate of misconducts. OSAP is a multi-faceted, cognitive-behavioural substance abuse intervention program that was developed specifically to address the substance abuse needs of offenders with intermediate-to-substantial substance abuse problems.

During the follow-up period, a total of Additional analyses revealed that, even after participating in the program, offender characteristics such as the severity of their substance abuse problems, criminal risk and need levels, and type of offense that were evident before the program continued to have an impact on offenders' post-program behavior i. Offenders who performed at above average levels had significantly lower re-admission rates for new offences as well as the overall rate of re-admission that consisted of technical violations and new offences.

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Furthermore, the MMT groups were less likely to have been unlawfully at large UAL or in violation of an abstinence condition due to alcohol use while on conditional release than Non-MMT offenders. While the MMT and Non-MMT groups were similar in terms of time to new offence and the number and type of new offences committed, the trend in the data was towards a lower rate of reoffending for the MMT group.

Overall the study found that participation in an institutional MMT program had a beneficial effect on outcome following release. Additional research is needed to address issues such as continuation of treatment in the community and other community safety benefits. InnerChange Freedom Initiative. A Pre-release faith-based program Johnson and Larson, A Christian-oriented pre-release program that is structured to provide education, work, life skills, values restructuring, and one-on-one monitoring in an environment of religious instruction. InnerChange is anchored in biblical teaching, life-skills education, and group accountability.

The program is composed of 16 to 24 months of in-prison biblical programming and 6 to 12 months of aftercare while the offender is on parole. InnerChange program graduates had lower re-arrest rates than offenders in the control group who had not participated in the program. Program participants also had a lower re-incarceration rate. The re-arrest rates for those participants who did not complete the program, however, were similar to those for offenders who did not participate in the program. The objectives of the program are to provide staff who can complete educational assessments, employability profiles, and service referral to the target population; develop a support service referral network, which links with state agencies and services; develop training initiatives to help clients, so they can be trained in occupations which can lead to a career and economic self-sufficiency; and create an entrepreneurial training workshop for individuals who wish to open a small business of their own.

The target population for the pre-release employment program are disadvantaged black youth and "at risk" youth. Unknown impact on recidivism. There were no statistical differences in employment rates for offenders who participated in the program and those who did not. Employment and meeting the financial needs of offenders. Ensuring that inmates are employed and have earnings during their incarceration and have some savings at the time of their release.

Participants in the program did better than other inmates in terms of finding employment upon release, staying employed, and recidivism. Intensive community supervision in HotSpot communities. Communities participating in the program were willing to mobilize resources and had community policing, community probation, community maintenance efforts, youth prevention activities, and local coordination. HotSpot teams were created in each community and are composed of parole and probation officers, youth councilors, and community policing officers.

The members of the HotSpot teams are responsible for the supervision of probationers in their communities; they perform activities such as curfew checks and home visits. The recidivism rate of offenders who were under intensive community supervision was compared to that of offenders who participated in "normal" probation. The study did not find that participation in intensive supervision increased the participants' likelihood of technical violations.

Rather, re-arrests were more prevalent than technical violations for the HotSpot participants. It was also found that offenders who underwent HotSpot supervision were likely to re-offend if supervised for long enough period of time. Giblin, ; O'Rourke, et al. The objective of the CAN program is to reduce recidivism by 1 increasing and enhancing the intensive and systematic supervision of youth probationers, and 2 providing youth with positive role models in their community.

The first objective is accomplished by having a police officer - who has volunteered to participate in the CAN program - visit the youth probationer at least twice per month to ensure the youth is complying with the terms of their probation order. Essentially, the first objective is to supplement the probation officer's contacts with the youth probationer, as the police officer's visits increase the number of in-person contacts the youth has with criminal justice personnel. Youths who participated in CAN were more than three times more likely than non-CAN participants to incur new technical violations.

This was likely not due to the fact that CAN probationers committed more technical violations, but rather due to the fact that CAN probationers had a greater opportunity of being detected due to more visits from. Electronic monitoring. Bonta, Wallace-Capretta, and Rooney, a.

The LRP provides probationers, on electronic monitoring, with individual anger management counseling and critical thinking skills, along with substance abuse groups with relapse prevention plans that are developed in each of the groups. These groups are highly structured and are based on the cognitive-behavioural approach and are offered four days a week for a total of 9 hours per week. High-risk offenders who were given EM and intensive treatment had lower recidivism rates than those high-risk offenders who were not treated Youth Justice Board.

Grey, et al, Multiple components designed to address the multi-faceted needs of young offenders. Intensive and combines supervision with surveillance in an attempt to create structure in youth's lives in order to manage risk and reduce reoffending. Specific objectives include reducing reoffending among the target group by five percent and the seriousness of re-offending; to address the problems of youth, particularly with respect to education and to provide supervision and surveillance in a consistent and rigorous manner.

This is consistent with the findings of other evaluations. Young offenders with the fewest needs were more likely to complete the ISSP. Youth with the highest risk scores performed significantly worse than other youths. Royal Children's Hospital, Melbourne, Australia. This program is an alternative to incarceration focused on the rehabilitation of convicted youth sex offenders aged and the reduction of violence in the community.

The program emphasizes the importance youth sex offenders taking responsibility and making the necessary changes for controlling their behaviour with the goal of building an offence-free future. Participation is voluntary, but most offenders are required to attend as a condition of their court order. Those who are unable to function in a group setting or to participate in interventions due to severe psychiatric illnesses or disability are referred to agencies that are equipped to meet their needs.

MAPPS is based on a relapse prevention model. Participation is usually for the duration of the court order, averaging around 11 months of weekly attendance. Group therapy is the preferred treatment mode, although individual and family sessions are conducted when appropriate. To account for adolescents' developmental needs and deficits, interventions tend to be multi-systemic and holistic.

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Attempts are made to establish a support network with good communication channels between MAPPS staff, caseworkers and families or caregivers, who can provide support and supervision when the offender re-enters the community. Services for parents and caregivers include information nights, seminars, support groups and result attendance at the group therapy program.

Treatment was associated with a reduction in sexual recidivism. More specifically: Only five percent of the offenders committed further sexual offences; Treatment completers were over eight times less likely than non-completers to re-offend sexually 0. Ridgely et al. The Mental Health Court MHC is designed to divert individuals with mental illness who have committed non-violent crimes from the criminal justice system to the mental health treatment system, while preserving public safety.

An evaluation of this intervention found that entry into the MHC program led to an increased use of mental health treatment services in the first year after MHC entry, as well as a decrease in jail time for MHC participants. The decrease in jail expenditures mostly offset the costs of the treatment services. An analysis that followed a sub-sample of MHC participants for a longer period of time showed a dramatic decrease in the second year of MHC participation. MHC participation was found to be associated with lower levels of criminal recidivism.

Hartwell and Orr, This program is designed to ease the transition of offenders with mental illness back into their communities from correctional facilities. There is a specific focus on coordinating services and assisting offenders to reintegrate into the community during the three months immediately following their release.

During the first year, the program provided mentally ill offenders with services. As of the start date for the evaluation, 1 April , 74 clients had been discharged; 42 of the 74 were living in the community and receiving mental health services.

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