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Share this: Tweet. Like this: Like Loading Leave a Reply Cancel reply Enter your comment here Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in:. Email required Address never made public. Name required. Post was not sent - check your email addresses! Rising education levels naturally translate to rising expectations. Economically, expectations are barred by unemployment, underemployment and low rewards for those skills that characterise local labour markets.
On the eve of the Arab revolts, the rate of unemployment amongst Arab youth was close to 30 per cent—that is, more than twice the world average of 14 per cent UNDP, ; Handoussa, Unemployment, which until the s was limited and confined to illiterate segments of the population, has now become the lot of a large proportion of young, educated people and university graduates. Table 9. Migrants originating from Arab Mediterranean countries, by region of residence, ca Sources: For the EU—Eurostat, except for Moroccans consular records ; Arab states and other regions—estimates provided by origin countries.
In the non-democratic, repressive context of Arab countries, exit came before voice. Emigration from Arab countries except from the large oil and gas exporters of the Gulf and Libya has been intense over the last two to three decades. Stocks of current emigrants represent 8.
Comparable levels must be expected for non-Mediterranean Arab states Yemen, Sudan… for which reliable data are not available. They differ greatly in terms of nature and magnitude. The Libyan revolution that overturned the Gaddafi dictatorship in displaced more than 1. While it is believed that most Libyan refugees returned to Libya once the regime had been overthrown, not much is known about the migrant workers who left the country in Many will have either returned to Libya or have been replaced by new migrants, in particular from Tunisia and Egypt.
At the time of writing, the numbers of migrant workers in Libya and of refugees waiting to be smuggled to Europe are unknown. One can assume that, with the collapse of the Libyan government and the development of rival militias, the exploitation, abuse, detention and killings orchestrated by the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant ISIL will encourage departures from Libya among newly arrived migrants Grange and Flynn, ; Government of the Netherlands, To these Syrian refugees, one must add all the non-Syrians Iraqis and Palestinians who were refugees in Syria and who fled to become second order refugees in other countries, in particular Lebanon.
At the time of writing large numbers in need of protection continue to pour out of Syria. Israel, which is at war with Syria, has kept its borders closed. Not only do massive waves of refugees exert unbearable pressure on the economy of the host nation, they also bring with them the risk of political destabilisation. This is particularly the case in Lebanon where Syrian refugees, almost all belonging to the Sunni branch of Islam, risk setting alight dormant tensions between Lebanese religious communities. In a country where history has shown that refugees may wait a lifetime and still never return home, there is a fear that not all the refugees will return to Syria when the conflict ends.
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The fragile equilibrium between communities would then be threatened. Many of those who eventually reached Europe were unable to get a visa to travel regularly and safely to their destination. Instead, they undertook a long journey through Jordan, Egypt and then Libya from where they were smuggled across the Mediterranean at the risk of their lives.
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Among the , migrants smuggled by sea to Italy from January until April , more than 55, were Syrians Fargues and Di Bartolomeo, In the first half of an upsurge of irregular migration to Italy was recorded, with some 25, unauthorised migrants from Tunisia reaching Italy and Malta by sea. This sudden, short-lived movement can be explained by a conjunction of facts: Tunisian border police operations broke down during the revolution and—as control over departures was relaxed—a large pool of would-be migrants were stranded, waiting for an opportunity to leave the country; and migratory pressure increased as Tunisia had to accommodate hundreds of thousands of migrant workers fleeing Libya, including many Tunisians Boubakri, There might be an increase in the emigration of citizens or the return of expatriates, depending upon the achievements of governments put in place after the revolts.
At the time of writing, it seems likely that emigration will continue for some time. Indeed, revolts may have so far created more incentives than deterrents to emigration. Drivers of the intention to emigrate among young Egyptians in A case-control was adopted and characteristics that were found to be significantly more frequent among cases those who wished to emigrate than controls those who did not wish to emigrate were considered drivers of emigration. Being a Christian was found to be a key driver of the intention to emigrate. Are Egyptian Christians more inclined than Muslims to emigrate because they share more of the features of those young people who wish to emigrate, such as a higher education or friends and relatives abroad?
Or is it that Christians feel more insecure at home than do Muslims?
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The survey does not help to disentangle the two. Put in other terms, was exit, sometimes, transformed into voice? This could happen through different channels: the return of migrants or exiles to take part in the revolution, their participation in elections in their homeland, or their contribution to disseminating ideas that, in turn, affect political developments, often referred to as political remittances. It is true that several high-profile figures of the Arab Spring have a history of migration or exile.
This is the case in Tunisia. There, the winner of the first post-revolution presidential election, Moncef Marzouki, and the leader of the Islamist party Ennahda, which won the parliamentary elections, Rached Ghannouchi, both returned from a long exile in Europe just days after former President Ben Ali was ousted.
Take Mohamed Elbaradei, the former Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency and overt opponent to President Mubarak; or Wael Ghonim, the internet activist, whose Facebook page—run from Dubai—provided, in real time, key information on developments during the Midan Tahrir demonstrations in Cairo.
In the case of Syria, the main opposition institution, the Syrian National Council, was created abroad in Istanbul in by exiles of the Muslim Brotherhood and other political movements.
For decades, Arab states paid little or no attention to those who had left the country and to their descendants. In post-independence years several states even showed distrust towards communities they suspected as serving as hotbeds of plotters and political opponents. These institutions were concerned with economic links in the first instance.
Cultural links came later. Reviving a sense of belonging to the homeland among migrants and especially their sons and daughters born in the diaspora was cultural diplomacy. Arrangements enabling expatriate nationals to exercise their voting rights from abroad were made by a number of Arab states, including Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia Collyer, ; Jaulin, Morocco went a step further with its constitution of , granting eligibility rights in the kingdom to expatriate nationals.
Another significant step towards the political integration of the descendants of migrants has been the recognition of dual citizenship by a number of countries and the granting of the right to transmit nationality to children born of a native woman and a foreign father Tunisia, ; Egypt, ; Algeria, ; and Morocco, They are, often unconsciously, exposed to the ideas and models of their host societies, which are new to them. With the passing of time, they adopt some of these values and models, which they unwittingly transfer to their home society.
Besides these rankings according to absolute numbers of migrants, the Migration and Remittances Factbook also gives statistics for top immigration destination countries and top emigration origin countries according to percentage of the population; the countries that appear at the top of those rankings are completely different than the ones in the above rankings and tend to be much smaller countries. As of , the top 15 migration corridors accounting for at least 2 million migrants each were:  1.
Mexico—United States 2. Russian Federation—Ukraine 3. Bangladesh—India 4. Ukraine—Russian Federation 5. Kazakhstan—Russian Federation 6. China—United States 7. Russian Federation—Kazakhstan 8. Afghanistan—Pakistan 9. Afghanistan—Iran China—Hong Kong India—United Arab Emirates West Bank and Gaza—Jordan India—United States India—Saudi Arabia Philippines—United States. The Armenian context gives back some opportunities and obstacles to re-embedding. However, the extent to which returnees succeed in re-embedding in Armenia upon return varies considerably.
The factors identified can be categorized into three different groups: factors related to the returnee's individual characteristics; experiences and events during the migration cycle; and assistance before, during and after return.
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In the way they influence the embedment, these different factors have been shown to be strongly interrelated. They are particularly affected by the experiences of returned people abroad in ways that have strong implications for their ability to re-embed in Armenia. The impacts of human migration on the world economy has been largely positive. In , migrants, who constituted 3.
Remittances , i. The top ten remittance recipients in The United Nations reported that had the highest level of forced migration on record: As of [update] one of every humans is a refugee, internally displaced, or seeking asylum. Numerous causes impel migrants to move to another country. For instance, globalization has increased the demand for workers in order to sustain national economies.
Thus one category of economic migrants - generally from impoverished developing countries - migrates to obtain sufficient income for survival. In it was estimated [ by whom? This type of movement, usually from rural to urban areas, may class as internal migration. In North Africa, for example, emigrating to Europe counts as a sign of social prestige. Moreover, many countries were former colonies. This means that many have relatives who live legally in the former colonial metro pole , and who often provide important help for immigrants arriving in that metro pole.
The geographical proximity of Africa to Europe and the long historical ties between Northern and Southern Mediterranean countries also prompt many to migrate. The question whether a person takes the decision to move to another country depends on the relative skill premier of the source and host countries.
One is speaking of positive selection when the host country shows a higher skill premium than the source country. Negative selection, on the other hand, occurs when the source country displays a lower skill premium. The relative skill premia defines migrants selectivity.
Age heaping techniques display one method to measure the relative skill premium of a country . A number of theories attempt to explain the international flow of capital and people from one country to another. This theory of migration states that the main reason for labor migration is wage difference between two geographic locations.
These wage differences are usually linked to geographic labor demand and supply. It can be said that areas with a shortage of labor but an excess of capital have a high relative wage while areas with a high labor supply and a dearth of capital have a low relative wage. Labor tends to flow from low-wage areas to high-wage areas. Often, with this flow of labor comes changes in the sending as well as the receiving country. Neoclassical economic theory is best used to describe transnational migration, because it is not confined by international immigration laws and similar governmental regulations.
Dual labor market theory states that migration is mainly caused by pull factors in more developed countries. This theory assumes that the labor markets in these developed countries consist of two segments: the primary market, which requires high-skilled labor, and the secondary market, which is very labor-intensive requiring low-skilled workers. This theory assumes that migration from less developed countries into more developed countries is a result of a pull created by a need for labor in the developed countries in their secondary market.
Migrant workers are needed to fill the lowest rung of the labor market because the native laborers do not want to do these jobs as they present a lack of mobility. This creates a need for migrant workers. Furthermore, the initial dearth in available labor pushes wages up, making migration even more enticing. This theory states that migration flows and patterns can't be explained solely at the level of individual workers and their economic incentives, but that wider social entities must be considered as well.
One such social entity is the household.
Danger of illegal migration on youths | World Pulse
Migration can be viewed as a result of risk aversion on the part of a household that has insufficient income. The household, in this case, is in need of extra capital that can be achieved through remittances sent back by family members who participate in migrant labor abroad. These remittances can also have a broader effect on the economy of the sending country as a whole as they bring in capital.
Relative deprivation theory states that awareness of the income difference between neighbors or other households in the migrant-sending community is an important factor in migration. The incentive to migrate is a lot higher in areas that have a high level of economic inequality.
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